The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who has died at age 84, was seen as one of the most influential incumbents of that position in American history. Although countless second-in-commands had to settle for marginal or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to the point that he was frequently described as the "real president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and stated the relationship was more complex. He observed that Cheney was respectful, invariably referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush questioned even characterisations of their relationship as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. In spite of these denials, Cheney considered the laidback president accommodating on a wide array of administrative determinations.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the September 11th attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been attending a meeting at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unidentified planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney stated the attacks changed him, leading him to become intent on retaliation. Along with other neo-conservatives, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the armed intervention of Iraq, even though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Disputed Actions
He expressed no regrets about the military campaign, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, and not about the harsh treatment of suspects apprehended after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion effort, which was predicated on faulty intelligence repeated by Cheney, was the right decision. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I believed it at the time and I hold that view now."
But during that period, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the White House's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I saw, at the very least," he wrote later "obvious failure, negligence, and recklessness: in the worst case, deception, incompetence, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq military action. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for such action. He had written a memo detailing situations in which American interests might be threatened (including "access to vital raw materials, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be postured to act independently when collective action prove impossible," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the presidency somewhat determined on implementing what his predecessor had famously refused to do in 1991; remove Saddam. Following he had been dismissed by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's participation in the regional tensions and suggested armed intervention against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, convinced he had been behind a scheme to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally objected to that one of the largest hotels in Baghdad had a floor mural with a image of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
But it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, repeatedly citing intelligence reports that were either weak or totally inaccurate. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no actionable intelligence had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney dismissed the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and create initiatives to capture the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it was not repeated. That is precisely what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in nicknames imposed on him by critics such as Darth Vader and the dark figure, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 volume about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the shadows that operates invisibly emerge from his domain? That is a nice way to operate, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as VP. Although he had minimal expertise in commerce but strong connections in defence, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's biggest energy corporations, in 1995 as chairman and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US agreements valued at billions.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his period at the corporation rose from his previous salary when he was defence secretary to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty
